Fish has been front and centre in the Bengal Assembly election 2026. What began with the Trinamool branding the BJP as a bohiragoto (outsider) force that would impose vegetarianism escalated during the campaign with Narendra Modi and Mamata Banerjee contesting over fish production.

Let’s look at government of India data from Andhra Pradesh and Bengal, which are the country’s top fish-producing states.

Andhra’s fish production grew by about 160 per cent in eight years (2014–15 to 2022–23), far exceeding the 70 per cent national average. Bengal’s growth was much slower, around 26.5 per cent, well below the national average.

Andhra has a far longer coastline. But the same pattern holds in inland fisheries, where Andhra’s output tripled while Bengal saw only modest growth of about 29 per cent in the same period (the latest that data are available for).

By 2022–23, Bengal’s inland fish production was about 40 per cent of Andhra Pradesh’s.

‘Virus prawn’ and ‘medicine chingri’

About a few kilometres off the Basanti Highway from Kolkata is the 350-bigha Chotki Bheri, located in the Bamanpukur region. These areas of Minakhan and Malancha are known to people of Kolkata for prawn production. But now the bheri produces rui, catla, and migel. They call prawn a “virus.”

Fresh catch of prawns stacked in a basket.

“Brackishwater tiger prawn production is zero; that’s why everyone is leaving,” said Sahabuddin Molla, who works at a bheri (fish farm) in Ghusighata of North 24 Parganas, 34 km from Kolkata’s Science City junction.

“There’s no use of petitions, deputations to the BDO office..nothing happened so even activism has also stopped,” said Salim Sardar, another fish farmer.

Both blamed the discharge of effluents and chemicals from the Bantala leather complex, a 4.5 sq km industrial park around 20 km from Ghusighata, which hosts over 500 tanneries, employs 2.5 lakh-plus workers and handles 22-25 per cent of India’s tanning industry.

“Prawn is now a virus. The water is polluted due to chemicals from the leather complex. Move further ahead, to Sarberia, there is still prawn farming,” said Sardar.

Between the bheri and the Basanti highway is a lockgate of the irrigation department. It controls the water from the canal along the leather complex and the highway that pours into the Bidyadhari river.

The water is black and dirty near the lockgate.

“When water is released it creates a foam that flies in the air. If it touches your shirt, the stain remains,” said a worker who works at the leather complex.

Security personnel purchase fruits from a roadside vendor at local market.

He agreed with the allegations by the bheri workers – that the water is chemically potent.

Another 10 km from Ghusighata is the Malancha fish market. Sariful Molla, who works at the Four Star Fish depot, agreed about the “virus” charge and said prawn production has fallen, pointing to the “medicine chingri” – prawn stuffed with chemicals.

“Investment in a prawn farm could range from Rs 12,000 to Rs 1 lakh per bigha. Everyone wants fast returns so they use hormones and medicines, like how many use carbide on fruits. A fish that needs 1.5 years to attain proper taste is cultivated in months,” Molla said.

This includes fish like tilapia too, he said.

Bhenani prawn, the size of which ranges from 10 gm to 35 gm, is now “medicine prawn”, according to those involved in the business.

The impact on fisheries has affected the local populace.

“Everyone is migrating to Tamil Nadu; entire villages are becoming empty,” said at least three local residents.

The buzz in the area is that the Indian Secular Front may wrest Minakhan, a Scheduled Caste reserved seat, from the Trinamool.

Mamata’s party won the seat in the last two Assembly polls securing over 50 per cent votes.

The ISF’s Pratik Mondal, a former Indian Super League referee, is pitted against Usharani Mondal, the incumbent MLA of the Trinamool, and Rudrendra Patra of the BJP.

“Hindus will vote for Mondal this time,” said a man who runs a tea stall and drives a toto. “He has a good chance, he is drawing crowds.”

Another local resident, who lives in Kolkata, said: “Mondal may be Hindu but people take the ISF as a Muslim party. Usharani is close to Suvendu [Adhikari], so the BJP is not at a loss if she wins; she may become the first person to join the BJP if the result is close.”

Others confirmed that there is talk in the area of the Usharani-Suvendu connection.

Minakhan borders the Bhangar Assembly constituency. In the 2021 polls, Naushad Siddiqui won Bhangar on an ISF ticket. Many feel he will again, given the ISF ground-level organisation in the region has increased.

Election posters cover a wall beside a market committee signboard carrying local public notices.

Force and fear in Sandeshkhali

Central Armed Police Force personnel had taken over the area around Malancha bus stand, 45 km east of Kolkata. They were buying guavas, having coconut, while many others thronged the sweetshops across the fruit stalls. Their visit seemed to have led to an uptick in local business in the troubled zones of North 24 Parganas.

But the scene was different 30 km ahead, at the Dhamakhali-Sandeshkhali ferry ghat.

Hundreds of central forces were getting down from Punjab-number plate lorries, unpacking rucksacks and taking stock of their belongings. They were walking up and down the ramp that leads to the ghat, unloading their arsenal.

The region falls under the Sandeshkhali Assembly constituency, which gained national infamy in early 2024 because of Sheikh Shahjahan.

People cross the Sandeshkhali ferry ghat bridge.

On 5 January, 2024 a mob allegedly linked to local strongman and TMC leader Sheikh Shahjahan had attacked a team from the Enforcement Directorate during a raid in a ration scam case tied to TMC minister Jyotipriya Mallick.

The incident escalated into widespread protests, led largely by local women alleging land grabbing and years of rampant sexual abuse by Shahjahan and his aides.

After weeks on the run, Shahjahan was arrested on February 29, 2024 from Minakhan. He is still in jail. Mallick got bail and is contesting from Habra Assembly constituency.

Across the river, Subhankar Maity (name changed), a farm labourer and his wife live near the area where Rekha Patra, once the face of the anti-TMC, anti-Shahjahan movement in Sandeshkhali, lived.

On Sunday, Modi accused the TMC of "sheltering goons who torture women," and said the BJP giving poll tickets to Sandeshkhali's Rekha Patra and the mother of the RG Kar victim was proof of the party's commitment to ensuring women's security.

A security personnel carries heavy equipment bags.

This election, the BJP has fielded Patra from Hingalganj Assembly constituency, neighbouring Sandeshkhali but divided by rivers.

“Patra shifted to New Town with her family after the controversy but now her husband and children have come back; she hasn’t,” said Maity’s wife. “But those rape allegations were false, we know,” she said.

Maity’s family supports the Trinamool.

“I am very tense. I have been with the TMC since the start. Many in this area have been corrupt, they have built up fortunes, what I have is based on my earnings..I could have migrated to Tamil Nadu but I’m happy with what I have,” said Maity.

Security personnel load arms and other equipment onto a wooden boat.

Their home, made of bricks, has no smartphone, table, chairs, or refrigerator. He has not visited Kolkata ever. He lives with his wife, daughter, son, 10 goats and a few chickens. But he seemed satisfied. Only the election makes him worried.

Maity is worried that the party may lose the Assembly polls. He has been watching news of the high turnout in phase one.

Sandeshkhali Assembly constituency, a disturbed zone with a history of political murders (three BJP workers were murdered in the area after 2019 Lok Sabha polls), is a seat reserved for the Scheduled Tribes.

The TMC won in 2021, but in the 2024 Lok Sabha election Patra, the BJP candidate, led the seat with a margin of 8,387 votes.

North and South 24 Parganas vote on April 29.