That the endeavour of Humayun Kabir to build a Babri Masjid in Bengal’s Murshidabad district is an explicit electoral ploy cannot be doubted. Mr Kabir — a turncoat from the Bharatiya Janata Party — has been suspended by the Trinamool Congress on account of his controversial, polarising project. But he is unlikely to be unnerved, given the enthusiastic response from segments of the minority population in Muslim-dominated Murshidabad. Echoing the kar sevaks, thousands brought bricks meant for the mosque’s construction and converged at Beldanga recently. Mr Kabir’s intention is clear. He wants to exploit the anxieties and the disgruntlements within the community — the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya was a troubling, watershed moment — and weaponise them for political gain. In this, Mr Kabir is not laying a new path: he is merely emulating Asaduddin Owaisi of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen in Telangana and Badruddin Ajmal of the All India United Democratic Front in Assam who claim to speak for Muslim citizens. In Bengal, unlike Assam or Telangana, Muslims — they make up over 30% of Bengal’s population — have traditionally aligned themselves with principal political forces. Mr Kabir is intent on breaking this solidarity. If this does come to pass, it may tilt political fortunes in several seats. The BJP will be pleased with
Mr Kabir’s game plan. Polarisation begets divisive responses and consolidating Hindus in retaliation, the BJP will be hoping, would become easier. Already, Calcutta witnessed a gathering, ostensibly for a Gita recital; the saffron ecosystem was at the forefront of this event. The TMC will keep a wary eye on these developments: thus far, its support among minorities has been absolute.
There is, however, a larger question that transcends the political implications of Bengal’s Babri Masjid. This query needs to be addressed. This state’s socio-political trajectory, especially that during the long reign of the Left Front, had been shaped by class. The BJP’s deepening electoral presence in Bengal in recent years, along with, now, a spirited response among ordinary Muslims for the construction of Bengal’s version of the Babri Masjid, may point to the emergence of creed as an influential political force. Will class be trumped by creed eventually? The forthcoming assembly elections may hold a clue. But what cannot be denied is that Bengal can no longer be stated to be an exception to religious mobilisation that has swept away — singed — much of secular India.
