The unresolved ethnic question in Assam has caused enough turmoil in the past and seems destined to cause more worry in the decades to come. This is partly due to the incapacity of various ethnic groups to appreciate reality — that in isolation, neither protection nor emancipation is possible — and partly due to the rigidity of the Indian state to accommodate the rising expectations of smaller ethnic groups. It is indeed an irony that while the markets are being opened to multinationals, ethnic groups are being pushed to the streets to demand recognition of their boundaries — both social and political.

Most communities of the Northeast with a Mongoloid origin were included in the first Scheduled Tribe (ST) list. However, the Koch-Rajbongshis, recognised as Tribes by the Assam Forest Manual, 1891 and allowed to remain within the tribal belt too, somehow missed the bus. Probably to contain the damage, the Assam government issued a circular directing all concerned to give special consideration to the claims of Koch-Rajbongshis “at the time of filling up of vacancies of Hindus (vide letter number APPTT/1130/7005-29 of July 1, 1940)”. Be it as it may, the Koch-Rajbongshis of undivided Assam did not find a place in the ST list, while their brethren in the North Bengal districts secured special protection by being included in the Scheduled Caste (SC) list.

The aggrieved Koch-Rajbongshis of undivided Assam moved the Backward Class Commission, headed by Kaka Saheb Kalelkar, on whose recommendations they were notified as Other Backward Class (OBC) in 1953. Subsequently, the Koch-Rajbongshis of undivided Assam were further divided into two categories — Koch-Rajbongshis of undivided Goalpara district who were recognised as More Other Backward Class (MOBC) while the rest in other districts remained OBCs. Now the community is segmented into three categories — SC in North Bengal, MOBC in Goalpara and OBC in other districts of Assam.

The Koch-Rajbongshi Sanmilani, which was established “with a view to work for the socio-economic cultural uplift of the people,” made a concerted effort by placing representations and submitting memoranda to the powers that be. In 1968, for the first time, the Koch-Rajbongshis demanded “scheduled” status, though there was no clear indication of whether they preferred ST or SC status. In 1969, the above ambiguity regarding scheduled status was resolved and a categorical demand for SC status (as in North Bengal) emerged. In 1970, there was a strong articulation of resentment against the recommendation of the Parliamentary Select Committee for inclusion of the Koches of Meghalaya in the ST list and the earlier demanded for inclusion in the SC list of the Koch-Rajbongshis of Assam-Meghalaya was reiterated. From initial ambiguity (till 1968) to the demand for SC status (till the Seventies), the ethnic expectations of the Koch-Rajbongshis of Assam graduated to a demand for Scheduled Tribe status (1980).

It is obvious that the Koch-Rajbongshis of Assam have suffered from a deep-rooted identity crisis, at one point demanding SC status and at another claiming ST recognition, taking pride in their Hindu connection at one point and at another painstakingly asserting their Mongoloid roots. However, this sort of identity crisis appears to be nothing new with the Koch-Rajbongshis in general. In the North Bengal districts, too, they were found to have passed through at least four distinct identities in different census — from Koch to Rajbongshi (1872), Rajbongshi to Bratya Kshatriya (1891), Bratya Kshatriya to Kshatriya Rajbongshi (1911, 1921) and Kshatriya Rajbongshi to only Kshatriya (1931).

The shift in the realisation of the Koch-Rajbongshis of Assam must be understood in the context of political developments around them. During the Seventies, there was spectacular advancement of different Mongoloid groups in the Northeast. Through a re-organisation of Assam a number of separate hill states emerged. Ethnic assertions by the plains tribals and the remaining hill tribals of Assam, too, gained momentum. The demand for a separate land for the Bodo Kacharis began to catch the imagination. Koch-Rajbongshis, though scattered, have a sizeable presence in the area that also happens to be the core of the proposed land for the Bodos and hence, not mere protection but an equal say in the decision-making process in the Bodoland appeared necessary for them. In a tribal land, SC status could never provide anyone any guarantee for equal political say. Thus ST status was needed. And it is against this backdrop that the shift in the Koch-Rajbongshi realisation must be understood.

The demand for ST status that was articulated on August 2, 1980 remains, till date, numero uno on the Koch-Rajbongshi agenda. During the past two decades they have transformed themselves from an apologetic group of people asking for protection as SC to an assertive community demanding a share in the political decision-making process. The twists and turns in the Bodo movement, too, have had their impact on the changing nature of the Koch-Rajbongshi assertion. Fratricidal clashes convinced the non-Bodos that they have to sink or swim together. As a result, the political capacity of the Koch-Rajbongshis (in coalition with the non-Bodo groups) increased manifold.

Today, the mention of Kamtapur does not shock anyone — though it remains a mere game in political probability.

The Koch-Rajbongshis’ journey for achieving ST status is a story of hopes belied. Former MP N.T. Das tabled a Bill in Parliament seeking inclusion of the community in the Constitution (ST) order, 1950. However, due to the dissolution of the Lok Sabha in 1970 this was frustrated. The same fate awaited late Suraj Bhan’s Bill in 1979. An Ordinance was passed in 1996 that accorded them ST status. But this, too, was allowed to lapse after being extended three times. An Amendment Bill to the Constitution (ST) order 1950 was introduced in 1997 and referred to the Parliamentary Select Committee. However, that too was lost in the wilderness. In the meantime, the demand of the Koch-Rajbongshis received clearance from the Tribal Research Institute, Assam government, registrar-general of India, Parliamentary Select Committee and National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Now, the Union ministry of tribal affairs needs to be convinced to urge the Centre to allow the ministry to move an Amendment to the existing Act.

The opposition from the Bodo organisations is well known. The tangle has now become more compounded with nine other tribal students’ bodies joining the All-Bodo Students’ Union in their opposition. Mutual mistrust between Bodo activists and the non-Bodos vitiated the environment. One should not forget or ignore the pattern of things to come in case the Koch-Rajbongshi demand is allowed to continue unresolved for a longer period. According to intelligence reports, the Ulfa is a patron of the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation, which in turn seeks guidance from the All-Assam Koch-Rajbongshi Students’ Union. It is time the authorities took the inevitable step to recognise their demand. Bodo organisations also should be realistic. A consensus should emerge in favour of an alternative arrangement where one group’s rightful gain is not perceived as another’s loss.

lThe author is former executive editor, The Assam Tribune