New engagement

In 1947, the then Commander-in-Chief, Claude Auchinleck, summoned Francis Ingall of the erstwhile Royal Indian Army and asked him to take over as the founder commandant of the Pakistan Military Academy, which was to be set up in Abbottabad. Being a product of Sandhurst, Brigadier Ingall was determined to model the academy on the former’s lines. Ingall could not have dreamt that six decades after the first Gentlemen Cadets entered the portals of this academy, a defining event — in which the principal players were none other than the graduates of the institution that he created — would have far reaching consequences for Pakistan.

The raid by US special forces on the residential complex where Osama bin Laden had been in hiding has resulted in aftershocks that continue to reverberate around the world. The Pakistan army finds itself in the eye of this storm, and is now facing some searching questions. For the first time, the army has been compelled to issue a formal statement accepting lapses, the local media are openly questioning its competence and there is talk of the head of the infamous Inter-Services Intelligence being made a fall guy. For long, the Pakistan army has played a dubious double game, not only with allies like the US or neighbours like India but also within the nation’s polity. For an institution that prides itself on being the sole custodian of Pakistan’s sovereignty, this is a defining moment.

But such defining moments also open up fresh avenues to past problems. It is this opportunity that the international community could exploit in partnership with the Pakistan army to protect a failing Pakistan from self-destruction. One must start with the US, which casts the longest shadow both historically and militarily. It has exploited the Pakistan army to realize its own interests, ignoring serious erosion to the institution and to democracy in that country. Its covert involvement with Pakistan succeeded in defeating the Russians in Afghanistan, but it also sowed the seeds of widespread terrorism and led to the creation of a military intelligence service that has become a State within a State. The US recognizes that there is no military solution to the diverse challenges facing the region. Having invested heavily in terms of human and financial resources, it is now keen to leave the region.

The army in Pakistan is preparing the ground to draw its ally, China, into the equation to consolidate its strategic depth in Afghanistan. The modern version of the Great Game thus gets more duplicitous, immoral and bloody. India can barely comprehend these deep-seated conspiracies, let alone plan counter-strategies. The US’s own doublespeak on its war on terror is no great secret. America vows to hunt terrorists known to be hostile to it anywhere, but cautions India against similar thought: not that India has even remotely displayed any such intent. This is not the first time that the US is facing a dilemma over Pakistan. Nor will it be the last.

Pakistan’s military leaders continue to perceive India as the prime enemy. The creation of this mindset helps perpetuate its hold on power and safeguards its commercial interests. Recognizing the fact that India’s size makes it difficult to tackle the country militarily, it has adopted terrorism as an instrument to bleed India through a thousand cuts. Its belief that India does not have the courage to retaliate remains intact. Blinded by this confidence, it has been treading this suicidal path for decades, even though it was becoming clear that the monster it had created was beginning to bite the hand that fed it.

The US and the international community pretend to believe that Pakistan is a democracy, despite the fact that the army headquarters in Rawalpindi calls the shots in matters relating to security and foreign policies. The international community owes it to the people of Pakistan to facilitate movement towards genuine democracy.

This brings us to India. An overwhelming body of public opinion in India wishes the people and the state of Pakistan well, and desires nothing more than good neighbourly relations. Successive governments have attempted reconciliation, only to be checkmated by Pakistan’s security establishment. The Indian public may demand firm action instead of appeasement in the future.

The traditions and heritage that the armed forces of both countries have inherited are far too deep-rooted to be wished away. An alternative route to building bridges could be for the militaries of the two nations to step forward in the spirit of what military ethos enjoins on all those who are privileged to don their respective national uniforms. This innovative experiment is worth a try, but India cannot afford to lower its guard till it sees light at the end of the tunnel. Since the trust deficit between Pakistan and India is high, the US military, which has traditional connections with the Pakistan army, must also be a partner.

It is unfortunate that at a sensitive time like this some Indian military commanders commented that the three wings of the armed forces had the capability to carry out special operations similar to the one conducted against bin Laden. This was neither in good taste, nor tactically wise, as Pakistan’s army used it to deflect criticism and rally public support. To achieve results, special operational capabilities should not be trumpeted as propaganda.

The futility of double games has been laid bare. It is time to undertake innovative initiatives parallel to routine diplomatic plodding. Having attempted diplomatic, political and security options, the governments must take a shot at an intellectual option. Let a ‘think tank’ be constituted from amongst the military and diplomatic faculties of the US National Defence University, Pakistan’s National Defence University and the Indian National Defence College (with Fellows from the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses since our own NDU still remains on paper) to debate institutional issues within an intellectual framework and come up with ideas that respect democratic agencies within national sovereignties. An auspicious beginning can be made by organizing the inaugural session at the Ingall Hall of the Pakistan Military Academy in Abbottabad.