No party other than Trinamul can enter these villages, declares a young man standing at the meeting point of Beraberi, Khasherbheri and Bajemelia villages, under a tree with a poster on the SUCI candidate.

The SUCI was part of the Singur protests before their takeover by Mamata Banerjee. "The CPM will be beaten up," the young man adds.

Whether the youth means business or not, the villages under three panchayat areas, Gopalnagar, Beraberi and KGD (Kamarkundu, Gopalnagar, Daluigachha), which were most affected by land taken forcibly from anichhuk (unwilling) farmers to build the Tata's Nano factory, is still a Trinamul bastion. This is Ground Zero of Mamata Banerjee's "paribartan" in probably more than one sense.

It is remarkable what goes unremarked: Didi's abandonment of Singur.

After driving the Tatas out of the proposed factory here and walking into Writers', Mamata has hardly visited Singur. Saturday's meeting was only an election campaign. After becoming chief minister she also said the Singur legal case could take between five and 50 years, which looked like she was washing her hands of the issue after she had promised the unwilling farmers that she would return their land.

But Singur is not angry enough, not with her.

Many of the "unwilling" farmers who lost their land, refused compensation and threw in their lot with Mamata, are still with Mamata. Not only because their anger against the CPM cadre who assaulted and humiliated them is still on the boil, but also because of something more tangible: Didi's event management and the Rs 2,000 and 16kg of rice package issued by her government and disbursed by local Trinamul leaders. What the package of money and rice is doing to neighbourly relations, not to say families, is another story.

It is raising questions about who is entitled to be a victim and how much.

" Shahid parivars" or martyr families dot the Singur villages affected by the loss of land. Krishna Bag, a well-known woman in Beraberi village, home to most protesting villagers, is from one such. Krishna became a face of the protests for having been jailed with her toddler.

On September 25, 2006, Krishna was among 2,000-odd protesters who thronged the BDO office demanding that the 400 fertile acres that were taken from the "unwilling" farmers without consent be returned. Krishna's husband's family had lost three bighas to the Tata factory. It was their livelihood. With Krishna was her younger daughter Payel, a two-year-old then.

But the police did not spare her or her child. After being beaten up severely, Krishna, with Payel, was thrown into the lock-up and then sent to Chandernagore jail for three days, with 23 other women. "The cadre would enter our homes and beat us up," remembers Krishna. "We had to see our land being turned into concrete, into drains."

The next year, Krishna's father-in-law, Haradhan Bag, unable to cope with the loss of land, hanged himself. Krishna's husband Arun, who used to work on the land that yielded several crops, including potatoes, jute, rice and vegetables, is a carpenter now like many of his neighbours who lost their land, commuting to Calcutta daily for Rs 200 a day. Krishna, diagnosed with low haemoglobin levels, was recently hospitalised. Her elder daughter Anamika, a college student now, had to give up her dream of studying in an art college.

It has been 10 years and things have gone from bad to worse. But Krishna still looks up to Mamata Banerjee.

She meets the chief minister two times every year, once during July 21, the annual Martyr's Day, when Krishna and Payel are on display on stage as Singur victims, and once before the Pujas when they are given money, a few thousands, and clothes. If they do not turn up, Didi sends over the Puja clothes meant for Payel to their one-storey concrete house in Beraberi. On every occasion, Didi talks to Krishna. Krishna feels she is in touch with Didi.

But Didi possibly does not know something.

Her compensation for the martyr's family has split it. Neither Krishna, not her family members, speaks to one of Arun's closest relatives who has claimed the mantle of " shahid" and is regarded by Krishna's family as having taken several lakhs that Didi apparently issued to the family. "I am sure Didi doesn't know where the money is going. Do you think I should tell her?" Krishna asks.

If the CPM should learn that no one forgets losing land under duress, Didi should know that she cannot make everyone happy with dole politics.

Asha Patra is the widow of another " shahid", Shankar Patra. She lives in a tiny brick house in Khasherbheri village, next to Beraberi. Shankar hanged himself in 2008 after the small shop he ran became a part of the land for the small-car factory. Frail and slow in her movements, Asha cries as she speaks, but her eyes remain alert.

She, too, attends the two annual Trinamul events and is given the clothes and money. But she wonders why, if she is a martyr's widow, she is not entitled to the monthly package of Rs 2,000 and 16kg rice, especially when she is almost starving.

The Trinamul government sanctioned the package to individuals affected by the Tata factory protests in Singur, as to others in other parts of Bengal, shortly after coming to power. Official records are not available readily, but local Trinamul sources say about 3,400 individuals are getting the money and rice in Singur every month: 2,500 "unwilling" farmers, who did not want to give their land, 300 bargadars and 600 farm labourers, or the families of such persons.

Asha is not one of the 3,400 beneficiaries, because her son's name was taken down by local Trinamul leaders. She discloses with some difficulty that her son, a grille mechanic, keeps all that he gets, but in families like hers, which do not enjoy the blessings of the party, no one can claim to be a victim. But many close to the party can. "You have to see what is going on," she adds.

It seems that the dole given by the Mamata government has benefited some more than others.

A few feet away stands the prosperous household of Shonali Das, an attractive articulate homemaker with long black hair streaming down her back as her skin glows from the golden yellow of her tant sari. A well-tended tulsi mancha stands near the entrance. Her family enjoys the support of the local Trinamul. She bursts into anger when she remembers the CPM cadres.

"They would wait outside, watching. They dragged me out by my hair out of this room when I was seven-months pregnant," she says. " Jomi amader ma (the land is our mother). We will never forget," she says, her eyes flashing with anger.

But Didi has provided adequate compensation to her family, Shonali says. "Not everyone could be included, but five adult members of my family get the victims' package, including me," says Shonali. It means Rs 10,000 per month and 80kg rice.

Why does she get the package? "I don't know," she says, and asks Tapas Das, a neighbour.

"Because you are a farm labourer," says Tapas.

"I am a farm labourer?" asks Shonali and doubles up in laughter.

Tapas's family, which lives next door, is another " shahid parivar". His brother Prashanta, who was a "very good farmer" and knew each of his plants, killed himself after the 4.5 bighas owned by the family went inside factory land. This family gets six packages: Rs 12,000 per month and 96kg rice.

Tapas says all the rice is used up by the household.

The Trinamul candidate from Singur, former minister Rabindranath Bhattacharya who is known as Mastermoshai, is confident that he will win. But so is the CPM, which is fielding Rabin Deb.

Local CPM leaders point out that Becharam Manna, who is the Trinamul candidate in the adjacent Haripal, practically runs the panchayats in Singur (15 belonging to Trinamul, one to the CPM), and is Bhattacharya's sworn rival. He can do more harm to Bhattacharya's prospects than good. Besides, they point out, that Singur is not restricted to those three panchayats: there are 13 others in the constituency, where the disaffected are many and they want industry.

They also claim that the number of "unwilling" farmers has been exaggerated greatly by Trinamul: there were 562 of them, nowhere near the 3,400 on the Trinamul's records who are being given the compensation.

"People have realised they have made a mistake. Singur now is hungering for industry," says Amar Chandra, CPM zonal committee member, Singur. "Outside the affected villages, the rest of Singur is like the rest of Bengal."