Critics of Indian foreign policy have, over the decades, often mocked it for hedging its bets, citing its refusal to join any geopolitical camp as evidence of hesitation and as a reason why no one fully trusts New Delhi. As the world embarks on 2026, the joke might well be on those critics. From Gaza to Sudan, Ukraine to Yemen, and the Congo to Venezuela, global hotspots abound and the guardrails that kept conflicts under control are breaking down faster than ever. The United Nations and the principles it enshrined under numerous conventions since the Second World War largely offered a rulebook that countries followed most of the time. Those who violated the consensus at least tried to justify their actions. There were problems with this system — the permanent veto wielded by five powers in the United Nations Security Council being a major one. Still, the rules prevented a repeat of the horrors of World War II on a global scale. But the past few years have seen more and more countries thumb their nose at the UN, violate its rulings, engage in brutal wars, disregard international laws — whether on conduct during conflict or on freedom of navigation in the sea. Journalists, doctors, teachers and poets — everyone is a fair target in this new world.
But it is not just the UN that is now dysfunctional. Decades of assumptions over friendships have collapsed in recent years. Nations of the NATO no longer trust that the
United States of America is wedded to the pledge of providing them a security umbrella. The US and Canada are no longer happy neighbours. Two long — steady — relationships that were pillars of India’s foreign policy, those with the US and Bangladesh, are both bleeding with mistrust. In the Middle East, ties between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, historically close partners, are tense over the conflict in Yemen. Despite recent differences over Arunachal Pradesh, India’s relations with China have on the whole improved over the past year but it must be remembered that this improvement had been preceded by a period of high diplomatic tensions and border stand-offs.
In many ways, India’s horses-for-courses approach to foreign policy that it seeks to pursue is tailor-made for such a churn. It means that India is never totally reliant on any one partner — whether for its security, its economy, or its energy. Despite high US tariffs, Indian exports grew in November. Russia, the US and European nations all want to sell India advanced military equipment. And India’s oil options are many. As the world gets choppier, India must not forget this: the anchors of its foreign policy based on multiple partnerships have held firm in previous storms, and New Delhi must trust them again. They have allowed India to grow stronger despite suffering from terrorism, war and disease. A difficult year awaits. But an India true to its legacy is better prepared for most of the challenges ahead.