The Narendra Modi government, it is alleged, is data shy. Can the Centre’s diffidence be attributed to the fact that when Mr Modi’s government does come up with data, they, on many occasions, have shown the government in poor light. Consider the ‘scorecard’ of the Enforcement Directorate. The Centre informed Parliament recently that a total number of 193 cases had been lodged by the ED — a disproportionate number of its members were targeted, says the Opposition — in the last decade. But a grand conviction rate of 1% — only two of these cases led to convictions — has left the ED and, by extension, its alleged handler, the Centre, with egg on their faces. The conviction rate did not improve despite the ED’s energy and problematic alacrity: having lodged 42 cases in the last four years of the first term of Mr Modi’s government, the ED went on to register as many as 138 cases in his second term between 2019-2024.
The poor returns on the ED’s investigations seem strange. This is because corruption is embedded in India’s public life. This has been borne out by credible assessments, year after year. The country was ranked a lowly 96 in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index in 2024; India had ranked 93 the year before. The political rhetoric on graft remains shrill; Mr Modi’s opposition to this malaise is well-known. Yet, not only has his government been accused of weaponising the rhetoric of corruption to target the Opposition and derive electoral dividends but — this is telling — amendments to legislations against corruption — the Prevention of Corruption Act and the Whistle Blowers Protection Act are two examples — have also led to their weakening under his watch. Instead of being swayed by shrill charges, Indians must ask Mr Modi’s government hard questions on his pledges to remove graft.