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In 2022, as Sri Lanka grappled with a crippling economic crisis, the Aragalaya movement – named after the Sinhala word for “struggle” – swept through the nation, forcing the resignation of the President and several members of the political elite. Yet, it would be two years before voters could elect a new President in 2024, finally rejecting a discredited political system.
In 2024, Bangladesh saw mass protests that toppled the government led by Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League. Elections are scheduled in February 2026. And yet, students say violence in the streets has escalated.
As waves of popular uprisings have rippled across South Asia and elsewhere, some managing to prevent democratic backsliding and some struggling to do so, Nepal witnessed its spring in September 2025. Unlike its neighbours, Nepal has a long history of turbulent revolutions and unfulfilled promises.
In September, pent-up rage and frustration towards a corrupt and unempathetic government culminated in violent political protests across Nepal. Over two days, at least 70 people, including at least 19 young protesters, were killed, at least 2000 were injured.
The rampant corruption of the ruling class and the vulgar display of wealth by government officials faced the wrath of the young protesters — politicians were beaten up, government buildings were set on fire. Nepal burned.
The question now is: Can Nepal finally break free from the cycle of upheaval and disappointment?
‘Even the Gen-Z leaders are not speaking in one voice’
Almost two months after a government was overthrown in just 48 hours — an uprising led largely by a demographic cohort of those born between 1995 and 2010, known as the Generation-Z or Gen-Z, who then established an interim administration — 24-year-old student Rajnish Pant finds himself caught between despair and hope.
“The interim government was established with a single purpose: to facilitate elections within six months. A month into its tenure, political parties appear optimistic about the upcoming elections. However, the situation remains ambiguous,” Rajnish tells The Telegraph Online.
“None of the promises made during the movement – the issue of corruption, political accountability and monopoly of the three major parties – are being addressed. It feels the voices that once spoke for change have gone silent after getting into power.
“While there is a general sense of positivity towards the interim government, chaos persists, and the public remains uncertain about its functionality. Even the Gen-Z leaders are not speaking in one voice,” he says
ABC of the Gen-Z protests, and after
The Gen-Z movement, which originated in Kathmandu, was a leaderless uprising fuelled by the youth through social-media platforms like TikTok, among other methods. This movement ultimately led to the resignation of Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, aged 73.
His successor, former chief justice and the country's first female prime minister, Sushila Karki, also 73, was unanimously elected by the protesters. Within a month of her appointment as interim PM, Karki faced at least ten petitions in the country's Supreme Court, filed by lawyers and young law students, challenging the legality of her appointment and the dissolution of parliament.
Oli’s party, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML), along with seven other parties, also deemed the dissolution unconstitutional. The court refused to issue an interim order against the Karki government.
In 2017, as chief justice, Karki faced an impeachment motion for opposing the appointment of a police chief. Ironically, Oli, then a former prime minister, had supported Karki.
“The same cycle of power continues,” says Rajnish. “KP Oli’s refusal to cooperate with the interim government’s committee has made the environment more tense.”
New voices in Nepal?
Including new voices is a crucial step towards breaking the old cycle of power. In October, reports emerged of Karki planning to include four representatives of the Gen-Z group in her cabinet.
Among the chosen four, 25-year-old climate activist Tashi Lhazom immediately faced personal attacks. One report indicated that Gen-Z leaders from Karnali province issued a statement calling for verification of Lhazom’s Nepalese background. In response, the Gen-Z collective issued a statement in Lhazom’s defence against such discriminatory attacks. Lhazom was finally not included as a minister.
Speaking to The Telegraph Online, Amish Mulmi, acclaimed author of All Roads Lead North: Nepal’s Turn to China, says, “I think what distinguishes this particular movement is that all previous movements were spearheaded by political parties and had a central political goal. This did not. But yes, Nepal has seen previous governments toppled by protesting groups, thus it will be critical to ensure political stability in the run up to the elections.”
Ex-DJ who wants to clean up the system
Keeping a vigilant eye on the proceedings of the interim government is 36-year-old Sudan Gurung, a prominent leader emerging from the otherwise faceless revolution. A former DJ and founder of the youth-led NGO Hami Nepal, Gurung has set his sights on entering the political arena.
“I want someone more responsible and, let’s say, more capable person to be prime minister of Nepal. I won’t say I am the right person because there are better people, better candidates than me. That’s why we chose different ministers… So, I am not sure, I won’t say I will be the prime minister, but if the people choose me, I am definitely going to run for prime minister… This will be a people’s government. The next election, the Nepalese will win,” Gurung said in an interview with Al Jazeera on September 27.
He appeared wearing a blood-stained jacket, a stark reminder that the lives lost for democracy would not be in vain. “I want to see my country prosper rather than see everything being burned.”
A significant portion of Gurung’s support comes from the country’s young population. A World Bank South Asia Update released in October points out that Nepal has one of the highest youth unemployment rates in South Asia: “This lack of opportunity stems from structural weaknesses holding back private enterprise, including a complex and uncertain business environment, corruption, high trade and transport costs, and inadequate infrastructure.
Nepal’s young people want elections, and change
Jasmine Ojha, a 23-year-old lawyer, was at the forefront of the protests, organising and leading chants when the police began firing at the demonstrators. She watched in horror as students fell. In an interview with The Telegraph Online, Ojha talked about the legal community’s deep frustration with the corruption within the system, where progress has been impossible without the right connections.
Neither she nor any other young protestor could have imagined that their movement would escalate into a force capable of toppling a government or become so violently charged.
“Our movement is rooted in anti-corruption and constitutional reform, and even a month later, we remain steadfast in our goals,” she says. “We demand elections, and once parliamentarians are elected, we want them to enact meaningful legislative changes.”
‘Cautious optimism’ in Kathmandu
In Nepal’s ongoing struggle for a transparent and accountable government, many individuals are tempering their hopes. Among them is Kathmandu-based Ujwala Maharjan, a poet and educator who champions women’s rights and the rights of marginalised groups through her literary work.
“Within the old political parties, they need to question what values they carry,” she says, alluding to a system that has allowed corruption and vested interests to take root in Nepal. “I am watching what’s happening in Nepal with cautious optimism. There is a degree of trepidation, but we cannot ignore that the Gen-Z revolution has presented us with an opportunity to rectify past mistakes and bring about change.”
Maharjan’s caution is well-founded. As Mulmi notes, since 1990, Nepal has seen 27 prime ministers, each serving an average of barely a year in office. Both Mulmi and Maharjan agree that Nepal must seize the democratic momentum sparked by the September protests.
“I think we will see new and younger political candidates entering the fray, as we did in the last election,” Mulmi says. “We will also witness increased voter participation, especially among the youth. Perhaps there will be new political alignments as well, born out of necessity or a shared goal to challenge the older parties.”
In a September study, the Democracy Resource Center Nepal (DRCN), an NGO, observed that senior leaders across political parties had made clinging to positions second nature, thereby blocking opportunities for new leaders to emerge.
“As a result, leadership selection has become increasingly contentious, shaped by internal rivalries, factionalism, and power struggles,” the study notes, highlighting the corrupt practice of holding onto power. Maharjan says, “The current situation is tied to the taste of power. Those in power believe that losing any bit is akin to losing everything.”
One important aspect of Maharjan's optimism stems from her efforts to create a more inclusive Nepal, one that embraces marginalised voices. The DRCN study notes that all parties aim to prioritise the representation of women, Dalits, indigenous people, Madhesis, Tharus, Muslims, and people from backward regions.
However, it concludes that the level of inclusivity remains unsatisfactory.
“I am hopeful,” Maharjan says. “I understand that this generation will not remain silent as we did for so long. Gen-Z discusses caste, class, and gender in ways we never did, and they are challenging their parents. Some of my closest friends are currently in conflict with their monarchist parents.”
‘We thought this is Nepal; nothing’s going to change'
Journalist Aditya Adhikari, in his book The Bullet and the Ballot Box, recounts the humble beginnings of the Maoist rebellion in Nepal in 1996. Initially, the movement had few supporters, operated with rudimentary weapons, and was based in remote villages.
The cadre, drawn from the poor and marginalised communities, faced significant challenges. Yet, by 2005, the Maoists had gained control of the countryside, and by 2008, they had toppled the monarchy, secured seats in the Constituent Assembly, and accessed state power.
But what began as a promise to eradicate inequality and poverty in Nepal’s politics gradually succumbed to corruption. “It is this political power game played by a select few that Nepal is trying to jettison with the Gen-Z movement,” Ojha says.
Nasala Chitrakar, an English teacher at a private college, tells The Telegraph Online that the constant rotation of the same political figures had led to widespread apathy. “We were frustrated," she says. "We thought this is Nepal, and nothing is going to change."
Chitrakar looks back on growing up during the years of the Maoist insurgency, recalling the royal family massacre, the drafting of the Constitution, and the interim government.
“We were acutely aware of the upheavals happening in the country,” she says. Today’s youth, Chitrakar says, come from more diverse backgrounds and possess a broader understanding of history beyond what is taught in textbooks. This awareness is reflected in their political engagement.
‘We all want Nepal to move forward’
Among those interviewed by The Telegraph Online was Sid, a student who participated in the protests in Kathmandu. A final-year undergraduate, Sid, like Rajnish, is uncertain about the outcome of the upcoming elections in March and the future direction of Nepal.
“A month after the protests, I still feel survivor’s guilt. Right in front of my eyes, so many students were shot dead. And before all this began, we were chanting slogans, peacefully protesting,” he says.
Nepal has weathered numerous episodes of political disillusionment and betrayal. Yet, as parts of South Asia and Southeast Asia witness protests in favour of democracy, Nepal stands once more at the brink of a crossroads.
“Deep down, we all want Nepal to move forward,” Rajnish says. “We just need leaders old or new who actually listen, act, and stand for the people. Whether Nepal rises or falls depends on how honestly, they take that responsibility now.”
