Sultan throws helpline at subjects
Malda mangoes, not CM Mamata, on his mind
Comrades combat comrades
First off the block in debut dash
CM suspense after Jaya contest bar
Jaswant veto on border troops under scanner
Strange axis rises in ghost town
Uma talks tough to cricket board
Netherlands route to mercy killing
Flip-flop Cong gets Tehelka egg on face

Malda, April 25: 
Amare dhor, ami pore gele vote pabi na (Help me up, you won’t get a vote if I fall).

Three family retainers raise an unsteady Abu Barkat Ataur Ghani Khan Chowdhury slowly from his sofa. The sofa’s only for Ghani Khan, others at his Kotwali home have to make do with humble chairs.

For an hour now, Ghani Khan has been itching to get up and get going. It’s Sunday, 10 am, and he’s late.

“Where’s my car?” he asks again.

“It has gone to get itself filled up.”

He should have been in Baharal now, 40 km from here, his first stop for the day. So, he is at least an hour behind schedule.

“If I knew there would be a delay, I’d have asked for a car from the DM’s quota,” he says.

But the car that arrives — his Mercedes, “filled up” — is at least more luxurious than what the DM could have offered.

It’s past 10 now. Ghani Khan has lost more than an hour and he has to squeeze in four public meetings during the day.

Some distance away, Ghani Khan’s five-car convoy stops. A lorry full of stone chips is blocking the road which is being widened. More delay.

Samar Mukherjee — the sitting MLA from Ratua who is contesting against district CPM secretary Sailen Sarkar — is the first to get off the car and ask the lorry to move.

He can’t take a chance with Barkatda’s fragile temper. “If he gets angry, he might not even address a single rally,” explains another Congressman.

But Ghani Khan does get angry, though for a different reason. As his car remains stranded, he sees a young man smoking in front.

Ajkal chyangra chhorarao biri phoke (Even young men have started smoking nowadays),” he fumes.

The chyangra chhora, he is told, is a journalist from Calcutta.

The lorry now off the road, the convoy moves again, reaching Baharal around noon, two hours behind schedule.

It’s hot, not quite the ideal time for a public meeting. Three persons help Ghani Khan climb up the dais and flop down on a gaudy sofa. Again, the sofa’s only for him; chairs are for the lesser leaders.

A man comes forward with a hand-fan to help Ghani Khan combat the 38 degrees Celsius heat. But the man falters after a while, stopping and starting, the swings of his fan getting slower.

Ar dorkar nai (I don’t need it anymore),” says Ghani Khan, motioning the man to stop. All along, there’s a steady trickle of people who have braved a merciless sun to listen to Malda’s “creator” speak in the village square.

Among them is Ghiasuddin, member of the last CPM-ruled panchayat, and his 50 followers. “We’ve come out of respect for Barkat saheb and to hear what he has to say,” he says. But Barkat saheb has little to say. “Vote for democracy, vote against those who are throttling democracy,” he begins.

His speech ends sooner than expected as his unsteady hands fail to keep a proper grip over the microphone.

“Vote for the Congress,” he says. “I’ll deliver you from every trouble.”

And then the leader — with heaps of troubles of his own — is helped backed to his Mercedes, for the next delayed rally.

But as he gets into the car, Barkat saheb looks like a man who knows his last words — “I have come to you. Don’t disappoint me” — have not been in vain.


Malda, April 25: 
Who’s this Abu Barkat Ataur Ghani Khan Chowdhury?

It’s like asking Malda what’s mangifera indica.

Drop the smart-alecky questions. Who’s he anyway?

Barkatda, silly. As famous as the mango in Malda.

Is that all that’s common between the two.

You bet not. Not at least on Barkatda’s side. Mangoes are this 70-year-old’s early summer day and night’s dream.

Even in this poll-oven-heated summer?

Quite so, though Barkatda — regrettably — can only spend so much time in the morning caressing Amrapali and Mallika.

What’s so special about Amrapali and Mallika?

For one, they’re 15-foot tall and, no, they’re not what you think they’re. Each of them bears 100 fruits each every season. Amrapali and Mallika are the latest mango strains.

From the look on Barkatda’s face, the crop seems good. What about prospects for his sultanate’s other harvest: polls?

“Not very good.” What with all the bad blood between him and Mamata Banerjee. Alliance partners fighting each other and such like.

So, what’s on his mind?

Defeat Trinamul candidates first. Remember, he had cried himself hoarse demanding the Congress ally with Trinamul. Now, the only good thing he sees in the alliance is the joint manifesto which talks about unemployment. “I was the first to raise the issue.”

What’s not on his mind?

Mamata, as chief minister

Doesn’t he want the CPM to be thrown out then?

“We helped them stay in power for so long.”

Who’re these ‘we’ he’s referring to?

No prizes for guessing. Pranab Mukherjee, for one.

Give it to the man, he hasn’t conveniently excluded himself from the collective ‘we’. But then...

“I have helped the people of Malda also.”

He is not that modest, is he?

“I have done for Malda what nobody has.”


The last time he helped was a few years ago, with an arsenic treatment plant at Manikchak. But Barkatda is talking about the trains and the jobs.

Can Malda forget the legacy he’s leaving them?

Brother Abu Hassem Khan Chowdhury is reigning at Kaliachak. Youngest sister Ruby Noor has Sujapur.

He’s not finished yet, is he?

Like all good politicians, he had made several promises to quit only to break them. He did so in 1998 and again the next year. He’s asking for votes again. But no one seems to mind that, least of all the sultan as he goes around ordering his subjects not to “disappoint” him.

PS: They haven’t disappointed him for two decades. It will take as much to unseat him in Malda as it will to dethrone the Left in Bengal.


Coochbehar, April 25: 
Once a proud little kingdom of the Koch-Kamtapuris ruled by the Narayan dynasty, Cooch Behar had long fallen to the Leftists. The uncrowned king of the new raj was Kamal Guha, who shared the spoils with the CPM. This time, comrades-in-arms of past battles threaten to upstage Guha’s — and the Left’s — Cooch Behar campaign.

They have taken the battle right into Guha’s home turf — Dinhata — where he had an unbroken run since 1977. He held on to it even in 1996 for the Forward Bloc (Socialist), which he launched in 1992 after breaking away from the Left Front.

Guha now fights friend of yesterday Dipak Sengupta, now a Trinamul Congress nominee. Mamata Banerjee has adopted the same strategy at Mekhligunj, where Forward Bloc’s Paresh Adhikari joins battle against old party colleague-turned-Trinamul candidate Ramesh Roy.

Sengupta is focusing on the Left Front’s “hollow promises”. “The CPM and the Forward Bloc have been fooling the people for too long. For the past 24 years, they have been promising to industrialise north Bengal, Cooch Behar in particular. Yet not a single industry has come up. People want a change,” he says.

Guha scoffs at his former comrade’s charge: “What change do they want? We have set up the Uttar Banga Unnayan Parishad, which will be the stepping stone for the industrialisation of north Bengal.”

At Cooch Behar (West), Mamata did even better to try and break into Guha’s house. She has made the Forward Bloc winner of 1996, Somen Chandra Das, her own nominee. All this is evidence enough of problems within the Forward Bloc. But it does not necessarily make Mamata’s gameplan a sure shot. Das’ choice at Cooch Behar (West), for instance, has angered Trinamul workers in the area.

Anger seems to be spoiling the broth for the Trinamul-Congress alliance in other areas also. Trinamul candidate for Cooch Behar (North) Mihir Goswami would have otherwise sat pretty. But an influential Congress leader, masquerading as an Independent, has made his pitch sticky. Trinamul is contesting in eight seats, leaving the Congress with one, the “safe and sure” Sitai.

To counter the Trinamul onslaught, the Left Front has devised a strategy to utilise the CPM’s organisational strength to retain the four seats it had won in 1996. The CPM has left five seats to the Forward Bloc.

The Marxists, somewhat shaken by the Kamtapuris, do not see the Kamtapur Peoples’ Party as much of a threat. With most frontline leaders languishing behind bars, the Kamtapuri challenge seems to have run out of steam.

But Mamata’s challenge would not go away as easily. The Left Front has a fight on hand in at least five of the nine seats.


Ranaghat, April 25: 
For close to 50 years, one Jyoti was a permanent fixture on the CPM’s list of legislators. To retain the name in some form, the party wouldn’t mind running the extra mile with Jyotirmoyee Sikdar.

The golden girl isn’t running though. She is content walking, going into the interiors of the Ranaghat Assembly constituency that she wants to wrest from the Congress’ Shankar Singh, a former Naxalite leader who was in jail with Azizul Haque and Saroj Dutta.

Shunning her running shorts for a taant sari, her hands folded, Jyotirmoyee urges the people to vote for change. “I need no introduction like Singh who has to tell the people that he is the sitting MLA. People of India know my name and Ranaghat is no exception. I just need the love and affection of the local people. Women in this small town have already accepted me. I’m welcomed at every house I visit. I don’t know whether they will vote for me or not. But I’m sure they all love me,” says the 1998 Asian Games double gold winner (800m and 1,500m).

The crowds have increased over the days, some are curious, eager to catch a glimpse of the sprint star, others are more keen to know what made her switch tracks. “She is no less popular than Jyoti Basu. She was the star attraction at the April 21 CPM meeting at the Ranaghat College ground which was addressed by Basu and Anil Biswas. Many people from rural areas came just to see her,” said a senior district CPM leader.

Singh is aware of the swelling crowds at his star rival’s shows, but is quick to scoff at any suggestion that the tide of popularity will translate into votes. “You should not draw any conclusions about my electoral prospects after watching the rally,” says the Congress defender, sitting in his flat given to him by a friend.

That, possibly, is the only thing in common between the opponents. Jyotirmoyee, too, doesn’t have a house of her own in Ranaghat: she is camping at the flat of a CPM leader.

The Asiad champ hits the roads early in the morning, her coach and husband Avtaar Singh in tow, and remains there for nearly 17 hours every day. “I have resigned from my job in the railways. I’m determined to sacrifice anything in life to serve you. I’m a sportswoman and my determination is very strong. If you vote for me, I will work for you. The party has given me freedom to serve you and now you have to give me a chance,” she says in meeting after impromptu street-corner meeting.

A traditional Congress stronghold, Ranaghat went through a difficult phase last year. About 10,000 people engaged in different looms are not getting wages on time. Coupled with last year’s floods, people in the rural belt are reeling under the rise in prices of diesel, seeds, chemicals and fertilisers.

But Jyotirmoyee’s rival believes that his experience will see him through in the electoral race. “I know Ranaghat like the palm of my hand,” says Singh.

Jyotirmoyee has started off with a bang, but she will need to end with a spurt if she has to strike gold.


Madurai, April 25: 
Jayalalitha has been ruled out of the Assembly elections, but she maintains that she is her party’s chief ministerial candidate.

The ADMK chief, during her campaign in this southern city this evening, blasted chief minister M. Karunanidhi, charging him and his son with bullying the election machinery into disqualifying her. However, she would not say a word on her future plans.

One theory doing the rounds is that Jayalalitha could get elected as the leader of the ADMK legislature party, or of the ADMK-led alliance, and then stake claim to the chief ministership.

But her rival P. Chidambaram is convinced that even then the Governor would be violating constitutional norms if Jayalalitha is invited to form the government.

“That’s just not on,” the lawyer and former Union minister said. “It beats me how a person who is disqualified from even contesting elections could be made the chief minister. In six months, she would have to seek an election anyway… Would she then become qualified to contest by virtue of her party’s victory in the elections? That would make a mockery of our democratic process…”

Chidambaram pointed out that RJD boss Laloo Prasad Yadav had to put in his papers after being chargesheeted. So, someone convicted, and twice so far, could not be sworn in chief minister.

“The Governor is a constitutional authority and the Constitution makes it clear that all parliamentary enactments have to be fully respected,” he said. “The People’s Representation Act of 1951, under which she has been disqualified, is after all a creation of Parliament and any Governor cannot afford to fly in the face of its stipulations…”

If Jayalalitha manages to install herself as chief minister, that could be challenged in a court of law and the courts would not react kindly to such blatant violations of the law, Chidambaram said.

Jayalalitha’s supporters argue that if the ADMK, or the front led by it, is swept to power, the people’s mandate could swing things in her favour. Two opinion polls have so far predicted victory for her front. When the surveys were undertaken, there was still a lot of uncertainty as to whether she would be allowed to contest.

The question, observers say, now boils down to what impact the disqualification would have on the electorate.

But till now, there have been no signs of emotional outpouring and voters do not seem to have bought her argument that the DMK intimidated the returning officers into rejecting her nomination papers.

Sources say Jayalalitha’s surprising folly in seeking to contest from four constituencies, in violation of Election Commission norms, has placed her in an embarrassing position.

Jayalalitha admitted to filing papers for four constituencies contradicting her supporters who claimed yesterday that those who had filed the papers in Bhuvanagiri and Pudukottai did so without her authorisation.

BJP slams Cong stand

The BJP has asked the Congress to clarify if it would back Jayalalitha as Tamil Nadu chief minister, says our special correspondent from Delhi.

“Will the Congress support a person who cannot contest elections? Does it at all consider corruption an election issue and does it have the moral right to obstruct Parliament for so many days on the issue of corruption when it is supporting a person mired in corruption?” asked BJP spokesman V.K. Malhotra at a press briefing today.

Malhotra termed the Congress stand “ridiculous and contradictory”. He said the Congress had in the past stalled the House demanding the resignations of Union ministers L.K. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharti after they were chargesheeted in the Babri masjid demolition case.


New Delhi, April 25: 
The butchering of the BSF jawans at Baroibari could have been avoided.

The BSF blundered by moving into Baroibari without enough men and firepower, but it is Jaswant Singh’s alleged “veto” on a home ministry decision to deploy an Assam Rifles contingent near the trouble-spot that is raising eyebrows.

Soon after the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) and Bangladesh army troops “captured” Pyrdiwah, in “adverse possession” of India, on April 16, the home ministry moved swiftly. The next day, a file was prepared and necessary orders were issued to speedily move an Assam Rifles brigade — about 3,000 personnel — to take up position across Baroibari and several sensitive parts of the Indo-Bangladesh border in the Northeast.

Both the Assam government and Assam Rifles headquarters were notified. But it is learnt that Singh, who is in charge of both external affairs and defence, put his foot down.

Singh, perhaps, acted for purely diplomatic reasons. Officials are wondering whether Singh’s “veto” had anything to do with home minister L.K. Advani’s sudden decision not to make the crucial statement in Parliament on April 23. Finally, Singh read out the statement.

It is being debated why Singh quashed the home ministry’s move. Officials are questioning his rationale in halting the Assam Rifles deployment, which would have been “purely a tactical ploy to apply pressure on Dhaka to vacate Pyrdiwah”.

But, by the time the decision to stop the Assam Rifles was taken, it was already too late. On April 17, the BDR and the Bangladesh army — with a combined strength of over five battalions — had moved in from faraway Madhupur cantonment in Mymensingh district and taken up position in and around Baroibari.

When only a handful of BSF jawans moved into Baroibari, in “adverse possession” of Dhaka, they were quickly overpowered, tortured and killed.

The home ministry, however, describes the jawans as a patrol party of the Mancachar border outpost that was “fired upon heavily by BDR troops in our area”.

The home ministry says: “Anticipating that the BDR troops would follow up this firing with an attempt to enter into Indian territory, the patrol decided to neutralise the firing by entering the area which was under the adverse possession of Bangladesh.”

North Block is of the opinion that the BSF, described as a “disciplined and committed force”, hesitated to open fire in Baroibari because that would have led to the killing of civilians.

A post-mortem of the incidents suggests there were intelligence lapses in Pyrdiwah and tactical failure in Baroibari. Officials admit that the Intelligence Bureau, Research and Analysis Wing and the BSF’s G-Branch should have sniffed the BDR’s plans to “capture” Pyrdiwah.

The BSF’s operations wing should have been more careful while venturing into Baroibari as there were apprehensions that the BDR was being backed up by the Bangladesh army.

There was not a shred of intelligence input in the four crucial days between April 16 and 20. This saw an embarrassed Vajpayee government bending over backwards to give a clean chit to the “friendly” Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government.


Mumbai, April 25: 
The Left and the Right today locked their fingers to strangle the country’s commercial hub, thumbing their nose at globalisation and dawning a new era of collaborative trade unionism.

The flaming red of communist flags mingled with the saffron banners of the Shiv Sena as activists of Citu, Aituc and the Bharatiya Kamgar Sena shut down Mumbai and the rest of industrial Maharashtra to protest “anti-labour” policies of the Union and the state government.

They stopped trains and buses, taxis and cars, trucks and trailers and closed hotels and pubs, schools and colleges and offices and factories. The only wheels that rolled down the empty streets of Mumbai were auto-rickshaws stuffed with Sena and Left activists who buried their bitter and violent past to work together as much for their own survival as the workers they represented.

The only sound heard in the street was “death to the government” that promised to open the door a crack to let in a whiff of liberalisation but ended up opening it too wide for the comfort of the workers and their leaders.

The cacophony of the city of 10 million was downed by the deathly silence of the 24-hour strike. Proud Nariman Point, with its sky-scraping headquarters of corporate dreams, was ghostly. The buzz was missing at the share market. Office workers, who could help it, stayed in as six other trade unions, including Congress-affiliated Intuc, joined in the strike under peer pressure.

The long arm of the Bharatiya Kamgar Sena cast a shadow on Bollywood, upsetting its schedule.

“It’s historic. It’s the beginning of a new dawn,” gushed Uddhav Thackeray, Sena leader and son of Bal Thackeray. “Our joint movement will continue.”

Citu state secretary K.L. Bajaj said a joint action committee of the trade unions will meet in the first week of May to draw up a common minimum programme.

Today, the target was not so much the industry as the BJP-led Centre and the Congress-led state government. But things might change tomorrow as the new combination threatens to drastically alter the power politics of Indian trade unions and spawn a new era of militancy, which global investors may not find palatable.

The Citu leader indicated as much. “Today, it was a peaceful movement. But our next step will be militant. This is necessary to carry our movement forward,” Bajaj said.

The unions plan to mount pressure on the governments and industry to make sure that the workers, being laid off by the units losing out to competition in the liberalised economy, are protected.

Alarm bells began ringing in the industry which had just started to breathe easy after years of moribund regulations and minimal growth.

“It’s a very serious development and we are extremely worried,” said Arvind Jolly, president of the Indian Merchants Chamber, Mumbai’s biggest body of industrialists. Jolly said the movement, instead of protecting workers, would harm them. “If the industry collapses, where would the workers go?”


New Delhi, April 25: 
The BJP government today made it clear to the Board of Control for Cricket in India that its policy on cricket will not be subservient to the interests of the cricket planners.

The sharp reaction came in the wake of the BCCI threatening to pull out of major cricket tournaments, including the World Cup, if the government did not clarify its stand on playing Pakistan.

“National interest comes first,” said sports minister Uma Bharti at a hastily summoned press conference, hitting out at the BCCI for the ultimatum it had issued last evening. She accused the board of unilaterally laying down policies and setting a calendar according to its own whims. Bharti added that the board has not formally sought a clarification and, therefore, the question of issuing guidelines does not arise.

Bharti, however, mentioned “present circumstances” to argue that the country cannot play with Pakistan. Suggesting that security matters cannot be assessed in advance, she did not offer a possible time-frame for resuming cricketing ties. “The government’s policy of not playing with Pakistan in the present circumstances is a final one and India’s self-respect and prestige, which are more important than everything else, will not be compromised.”

“If the BCCI says it is not going to participate in the World Cup or any other tournament, it’s their headache,” she added.

However, she appeared conciliatory on the World Cup issue, given the fact that she probably could not ignore the hype around it. “Our stand is clear. If confronted with such an unavoidable situation, India will play. We are only against a planned bilateral cricket series against Pakistan,” she said.

According to Bharti, it was not yet the right time to have bilateral cricket ties with Pakistan. She thought cricket was an “ordinary”’ game. “The only thing extraordinary about it is the surge of national sentiments,” she said.

She said the BCCI was to be blamed if it took the decision not to play in major tournaments. She described the decision as “inappropriate and unfortunate”.


Patna, April 25: 
Unable to choose death over life, Tarakeswar Chandravanshi is planning to take his ailing wife to the Netherlands, the first country to legalise euthanasia or mercy killing.

Kanchan Devi had slipped into coma after developing complications during a delivery operation in October 1999. Her condition has not changed in the past 20 months.

Kanchan’s counsel, Ibrahim Kabir and Sruti Singh, said: “The primary objective of the visit is to get her treated by medical experts in this field. She has not been getting proper treatment here and is virtually sinking now. A Delhi-based NGO, Commonwealth Human Rights Cooperation, has offered to finance the trip.”

Chandravanshi, who runs a tea stall after losing his job, hopes to get passports soon and be in Holland by next month for his 35-year-old wife’s treatment.

Once there, Chandravanshi plans to work very hard to bring her wife back to life. But if her case is declared “irreversible”, he is optimistic that she might die with dignity there. “I will first get the right treatment for my wife. If there is no hope for her medically, I will pray for an easeful death for her there. The country allows the right to die.”

It’s easier said than done. He has to go through a string of formalities, including getting Dutch citizenship. But the NGO, which has connections in Holland, has made all arrangements, the advocates said. The embassy has written to the family, hoping that Kanchan might survive and promising cooperation.

Upset with the government’s attitude, Chandravanshi has written to the Centre, praying to surrender his citizenship. He has pinned his hopes on Holland now. If his wife has to die, he would try to stay on in that country which let her die with dignity. “Even if it meant opening a tea stall there,” he said.

The husband’s disillusionment with India began when Patna High Court disposed of a petition filed by him and Kanchan’s parents in November last year, seeking “proper medical treatment, and if the condition is irreversible, mercy death”, by asking the state government to arrange for her treatment.

The doctors of Patna Medical College and Hospital have been changing her dressing everyday since the ruling. “There has been no improvement in her condition and she is in a semi-conscious state. Nothing could be said about her future,” said a doctor attending on her.

Kanchan’s family has been putting in whatever they have for her treatment. But her condition is said to be deteriorating. Chandravanshi said she used to open her mouth when coaxed and cajoled during meals. But for the past three days, she has been refusing food. “There has been no response from her even when her favourite dishes are shown to her,” he said.

But his desperation has crashed into the impregnable wall of red tape. Chandravanshi has been facing unforeseen problems while processing papers for his wife’s passport. For instance, an official in the Patna passport office asked for a certificate from doctors saying she was alive.

He approached many doctors, but they turned him away. One even said: “We give only death certificates.” Chandravanshi, finally, produced a bunch of prescriptions to prove to the passport officers that his wife was alive.

He now sees a ray of hope in Union minister Jaswant Singh. Chandravanshi said Singh promised help when he met him in Patna last week and requested him to relax some of the provisions of the passport Act to enable her to get a passport quickly.


New Delhi, April 25: 
The Congress strategy on Tehelka has fallen flat with the red-faced party abandoning the exposé to take up the stock market, customs and telecom scams amid intense pressure from MPs.

The party suffered further loss of face today as it took another U-turn, accepting the government and Left parties’ suggestion for a sine die adjournment of Parliament to allow members to campaign for the elections in the five states. Last week, the Congress had vehemently opposed the idea, mooted by Mulayam Singh Yadav and Somnath Chatterjee.

The Congress climbdown on Tehelka marks the end of a painful period for the party when it failed to pin the government on graft charges both outside and inside Parliament. After swearing to “wage every war, every battle” to dislodge the Vajpayee regime, Sonia Gandhi failed to address many rallies on Tehelka.

In a series of flip-flops, the Congress pushed aside Tehelka and took up Subramanian Swamy’s charges against Sonia when Parliament reassembled after the budget session recess. Then abruptly, it abandoned the issue for Tehelka again.

When it settled for a joint parliamentary committee probe after crying itself hoarse for Vajpayee’s scalp, the government refused, saying a JPC could not go along with a judicial commission inquiry already under way.

Party spokesman S. Jaipal Reddy tried to put up a brave face, declaring that the Congress would “clinch” the JPC issue in the remaining part of the budget session after the elections. But he made it clear that the party would not take it up before the recess.

“Tehelka is also our first priority and the last priority... We want to intersperse it with other issues... while in no way diluting our stand on JPC,” Jaipal said, struggling in the face of a volley of questions.

On the backfoot, he declined to specify when the Congress would raise the Tehelka issue again. He said the Prime Minister’s statement that the government had an open mind on JPC had given the Congress “manoeuvrability in terms of choosing our time”.

Jaipal’s optimism was not shared by many Congress backbenchers, who were relieved that there was going to be a break.“It is sad that we had so much to beat the government with but failed due to silly flip-flops and sloppy floor management,” said a party MP from Madhya Pradesh. Much of the MPs’ anger is not directed at Sonia, but at floor leaders who “mishandled” the strategy.

Jaipal insisted that the Tehelka campaign has not been given up. “We have not decided upon the time. Meanwhile, we will get other issues discussed in the House,” he said.


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